Hungarian Foreign Minister, Janos Martonyi: Strong Europe isn't just money, it's strong common policy

- In your opinion, what are the good practices and the mistakes made by Central and East European countries in the transitional period from totalitarian rule to democracy?
- In history “mistakes” can only be pinpointed by next generations. There sure are things which could have been done differently, but transition is completed by the people, not only elites or ruling parties: this is the essence of democracy.

In the euphoric atmosphere of 1989 opposition leaders, politicians and the media have all contributed to heightened expectations – especially about the economy – that could not be met. There was a general naiveté and a belief that political transition will transform society overnight. But this kind of change is usually more profound and takes more time. In several Central and Eastern European countries, emerging new governments had the real or presumed weakness caused by the lack of a clear mandate to face the past and did not create rules guaranteeing a transparent lustration process.

However the path to European integration and the close solidarity between the Central European countries Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary helped to protect newly won freedoms and democracy. Regional cooperation must be counted among the good practices learned from the period.

- Has this transition ended and if not, when do you expect it to end?
Hungary has adopted a new constitution on April 25, 2011 symbolically closing the transition period. The previous constitution amended beyond recognition over the years after 1989, still carried the year 1949 in its title, a year which, along with 1944, represents the arguably lowest point in Hungarian history. Democratic transition is a process by definition; you cannot go from dictatorships to democracy in one day. The transition has had many important milestones along the way. These included the first free elections and the establishment of a democratically elected government as well as the integration into the Euro-Atlantic family.

- Can we make a parallel between the events started in the East and Central Europe at the end of 1980's and the recent events in the Middle East?
- We can make a parallel in the sense that we all felt the same excitement as in 1989. Events seemed to spread from country to country and brought the hope of genuine democratic development to a region previously ruled by autocratic regimes. The historic and geopolitical context however is very different, so we have to be careful with these parallels. A commentator of The Financial Times, e.g. wrote recently that this is the 1989 of the Arab world with the only difference that we are the Soviets now. Another reference might be the Hungarian revolution in 1956. I was a teenager then, old enough to remember the enthusiasm beaming in the eyes of the people for the freedom reconquered. Now I saw something similar on Tahrir Square in Cairo. But let me come back to the significance of 1989. All the ensuing disappointments and delusions notwithstanding, 1989 marks the beginning of a success story which can serve as a model for any transition towards democracy and market economy. There are lessons from 1989 that are relevant for the Middle East and Hungary is ready to contribute with its know-how to help the democratic process of the countries of the region.

- What are your main achievements as a rotating presidency of EU? What are the challenges Hungary is facing as the country holding that office now?
- As far as I am concerned, there is reason to be proud certainly of our efforts and maybe of some results so far. We have been receiving acknowledgement by a number of Member States and EU institutions. It is generally perceived that the EU “got going,” during the Hungarian Presidency’s term.

In order to overcome the financial and economic crisis, the Hungarian Presidency put economic and financial issues at the top of its agenda. We are very pleased that by the end of March we managed to broker a deal in the Council on the package of six legislative proposals, nicknamed the six-pack, aimed at enhancing economic governance. Now we have a mandate, a general approach from the Member States to negotiate with the European Parliament, which is co-legislator on an equal basis with the Council on most elements of the package. The deadline set by the European Council is June, the end of our Presidency term. It does not look like a plain sailing ahead. Our motto is “Strong Europe”. When it comes to economic governance, the strength of the euro is at stake. Our commitment to the common currency, Hungary being a country not yet using it may seem strange but it is a clear sign of commitment towards Europe.

Of course, there is more to a strong Europe than just money. We have succeeded in reinforcing the common policies. The Union can only cope with the new challenges, if it builds on the policies developed over the last 50 years.

Economic, social and territorial cohesion is one of the main pillars of the EU. An internally cohesive Europe is more competitive globally and more effective in its external action. Member States reached consensus in February on keeping the cohesion policy strong, integral, covering all regions of the European Union.

A strong European agriculture policy is necessary for producing safe and good food, in a time of growing global demand and rising prices. Member States debated the reform of the Common Agriculture Policy (CAP) in March and a large majority agreed to the proposal of the Hungarian Presidency, to safeguard the future of such policy.

The February European Council with its focus on energy and innovation gave strategic guidance. Member States decided to go for a truly interconnected internal energy market by 2014. This would be a giant step towards a new policy and a new era: a single energy market would reduce the volatility in prices and our dependence on outside supply. The emerging common energy policy will also help us in giving proper answers to challenges posed e.g. by the current nuclear disaster in Japan.
Of course there are still plenty of tasks left for the second half of our term; i. a., we would like to close the accession negotiations with Croatia, have the European Danube Region Strategy and the European framework of National Roma Strategies endorsed by the June European Council.
Naturally, new challenges are likely to emerge. For example, the question of migration strongly divides Member States, and the Presidency is aware of its political significance.

- You said that the accession of Bulgaria into the Schengen Area is a priority for the Hungarian presidency. Do you think this accession can happen until the end of June 2011?
- The accession of the two countries is indeed very important for us. We did and we will do our best to proceed as far as possible. By now, both Bulgaria and Romania meet the technical requirements which are at the same time the legal condition for accession to Schengen. But the political consensus among the member states is not achieved and therefore we do not see a chance for a unanimous decision of the Council, required under EU law. The Presidency’s ambition is to proceed as far as to have a statement from Council acknowledging that Romania and Bulgaria have completed with success the Schengen evaluation process and are ready from a technical point of view. And then we will continue to seek a compromise solution towards accession. Certain member states are still not at ease with a rapid accession of these two member states and we cannot do anything without accommodating their concerns. We will see how far we get till the end of June.

- Do you think that the rules of Schengen Area need a change (as it was proposed by the Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and the French President Nicolas Sarkozy)?
- Presiding the Council is a responsible task. We can serve this role best if we provide the ground for fruitful discussions and timely decisions. We can do this most effectively by listening to the Member States and not taking a position early in the debate. But the Presidency has also to help safeguard fundamental achievements and values of the EU. We will be on board when it comes to the adaptation of the system to certain exigencies but we cannot subscribe to anything that might undermine the essence of Schengen and the free movement of persons, which are among the most tangible benefits of European integration. My nation and my generation had waited too long for such freedom to become a reality.

- When do you expect Croatia to close negotiation chapters for its accession in the EU?
The conclusion of the accession negotiations with Croatia by the end of June remains a Presidency priority. For this, Croatia has to make unrelenting efforts to the end – we never fail to make it clear. What we can do is to ensure that once compliance with all requirements is complete on Croatia’s side, technical difficulties do not cause unnecessary delay. So we are keeping the issue on the top of the agenda and are encouraging the Commission and the member states to stay ready to give the green light at the moment Croatia says she is ready. The same rule applies to all enlargements: the candidate and the EU both have to do their homework.

I believe that Croatia’s accession will send an important message to the entire Western Balkan region that reforms can actually be rewarded. This is the only message that can guarantee the stability and the prosperity of this region.

- What are the reasons of the protests against the amendments in the Hungarian media law?
Unfortunately many critics started protesting against the media law without ever reading the actual text, or even before the Parliament voted on the final version. We have consulted the EU Commission, amended the law accordingly, therefore the new media law is fully in line with relevant European legislation.

- Why do you think the new Hungarian constitution was criticized by some Human rights groups?
There have been lots of misunderstandings during the past weeks. The text was constantly changing as a result of the ongoing debate and the adoption of certain amendments to the draft. The new constitution is in line with the European constitutional traditions. The Bill of Rights in the new constitution is based on the principles of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, and on the case law of the Hungarian Constitutional Court. The new Constitution prohibits discrimination of all kind, ensures that Hungary takes specific action to protect women, the elderly and the disabled, an also emphasizes Hungary’s respect and commitment towards future generations, towards vulnerable groups, minorities, to cultural and religious diversity.

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